The Making of a “Consensus” Gwamna

By Kabiru Danladi Lawanti 

The closest I came to knowing Jamilu Isiyaku Gwamna was sometime in 2020 or 2021, when my friend, Alhaji Dahiru Hassan Kera invited me to Kaduna to facilitate a training for social media influencers from Gombe. The initiative, I believe, was part of the early preparations for his 2023 governorship ambition. As it turned out, the odds were not in his favour then.

Gwamna, however, is no stranger to politics. He is a seasoned administrator who has long nursed the ambition of becoming governor, perhaps since 2003. Whether this is his moment is something only time will tell.

If personal familiarity were the deciding factor, my choice would have been Usman Bello Kumo, the only aspirant I know closely, and who knows me as well. But our history is not without its tensions. In 2006, as a young graduate and journalist, I wrote a critical piece on his tenure as Chairman of Akko Local Government. It did not go down well with him or with the governor at the time.

I was told that Danjuma Goje was particularly displeased, questioning why Bello would “allow his brother” to criticise him in a national newspaper. Bello himself called me to ask why I took that route. My response was simple: the issue was not personal; it was about what I saw as a troubling indifference to education at the time. The article, published in Daily Trust “Education and Failure of Governance in Grassroot” was widely circulated and read. Since then, we have maintained what I would call a respectful but "distant" relationship.

Naturally, I would have liked to see him emerge as a consensus candidate, if only for the personal satisfaction of seeing someone I consider a brother in Government House. But politics rarely follows personal preferences. Governor Inuwa Yahaya chose Gwamna as a "consensus" candidate.

As for Dr. Isa Ali Pantami, there is little to say on him beyond a word of caution. His support base is toxic and often politically impatient. They have the tendency to confuse visibility with structure. They should understand that Pantami has time. At 53, he can afford to wait, learn, and build a support base, by 2031 or 2035 try his luck again. Politics, especially in a state like Gombe, rewards those who understand its rhythms, not those who try to outrun them.

On the other hand, Saidu Alkali is, by most accounts, a fortunate politician. But fortune has its limits. This time, he misread the moment, resigning without a guarantee of having the APC ticket. For me, his failure to influence the reconstruction of the Dukku–Gombe road is a serious political burden, one that will not be easily forgotten. Roads are not abstract promises; they are daily realities. When they fail, the consequences are immediate and lasting. In fact, on several occasions I reached out to him – through texts and WhatsApp messages about that road. Nothing changed. Even by the time he resigned, the Dukku–Gombe road remained one of the most dangerous in the North-East. That alone is a political liability to him.

For Gwamna, the task ahead is straightforward, but not easy. Winning in Gombe goes beyond securing the governor’s endorsement. It requires building bridges across factions. He must reach out, not only to those he contested against, but also to the Goje political camp, which still commands significant influence.

More importantly, he must address the concerns of the paɗe roba, who, for over a decade, have felt excluded from the distribution of development projects. Elections in Gombe are not decided by elite agreements alone; they are shaped by how well candidates respond to these long-standing grievances.

Gwamna is often seen as a “city politician” – competent, no doubt, but somewhat removed from rural realities. If that perception is not corrected, it could limit his reach.

In the end, elections in Gombe are not won by ambition alone. They are won by those who understand the terrain – and act early enough to shape it.